J. B. Jennings

Committee Name: Citizens for Bill Geibler

Address: 18 Fallston View Ct

Fallston, MD 21047-

Email: votegeibler@gmail.com

Website: www.geibler.org

Social: facebook.com: @vote.geibler

Bill Geibler: A Marketing Résumé Asking District 7 to Fire J.B. Jennings

District 7 already has a senator.

J.B. Jennings has held the seat since 2011. Before that he sat in the House. He farms in Joppa. He ran a feed mill. He is a volunteer firefighter and EMT. He enlisted in the Maryland Air National Guard. He served as Senate Minority Leader. He sits on Budget and Taxation. In 2022 the district sent him back with 96 percent of the vote. That is not a fluke. 

That is a verdict.

Bill Geibler wants the job anyway.

He is the Democratic nominee for Maryland State Senate District 7 — the district that runs the Harford–Baltimore County line. He lives at 18 Fallston View Court. His committee is Citizens for Bill Geibler. His site is geibler.org. His pitch is three slogans and a donate button.

He has never held elected office. He has never written a bill. He has never sat on a committee. He has never had to vote yes or no when the tax bill, the energy bill, or the school-crowding bill hit the floor. He is a marketing man asking a rural and suburban district to replace a working senator with a slogan sheet.

That is the whole case. The rest is padding.

The résumé is a chain of marketing titles. Salesianum School in 1991. Tulane English degree in 1994. Director of marketing at Springtime Supplements. Accounts director at Dreamscape Marketing. Marketing director at Brown & Barron, a law firm that sues nursing homes. Marketing director at Eggspectation Restaurants. Then, in 2025, Director of Marketing & Communications for the Archdiocese of Baltimore’s Catholic schools and related work around the Catholic Review.

None of that is Annapolis. None of that is District 7’s budget. None of that is a farmer waiting on a raw-milk bill or a volunteer company waiting on apparatus money. Selling supplements, brunch, and school branding is honest work. It is not a substitute for fifteen years in the Senate.

His own website does not even pretend to have a record. Three commitments:

One: advocate for health and prosperity “without partisanship,” with a special focus on Harford and Baltimore County.

Two: “equity and fairness for vulnerable and marginalized communities.”

Three: education, “environmental sustainability,” and the economic future of children.

That is the Democratic statewide script with the serial numbers filed off. Equity. Sustainability. Working-class language wrapped around the same Annapolis priorities that already raised energy costs, packed the development envelope, and treated Harford like a land bank for the rest of the state. “Without partisanship” is a nice line from a man who needed a Democratic primary — unopposed — to get on the November ballot.

He did not fill out The Baltimore Sun’s pre-primary questionnaire. Jennings did not either. The difference is Jennings already has a voting record you can read. Geibler has a landing page.

The money matches the résumé. Wikipedia’s compilation of State Board of Elections reports put him at $1,000 raised and $1,000 cash around the primary period. By mid-August the same source had him at $4,077 raised, $0 spent, $4,077 on hand. Jennings was sitting on hundreds of thousands. A Senate campaign that cannot raise five figures by late summer is not a campaign. It is a placeholder so the party can print a name under the Democratic line.

He won the June 23 Democratic primary with 100 percent of a small field — Ballotpedia listed 4,440 votes in one tally, certified results elsewhere at 7,537. Unopposed is not a mandate. It is an empty lane.

Then there is the household. Keri L. Geibler is on the November ballot for Harford County Board of Education District B. She is a thirty-year educator who told District B that DEI is essential and that book decisions belong to the experts, with opt-out as the parent’s consolation prize. She skipped the Sun questionnaire too. She finished first in a three-way primary with 2,605 votes — 46.4 percent. The Chronicle has already said the quiet part: if District B is forced to pick between Geibler and Dominic Heath, pick the less damaging one. That is not an endorsement. It is damage control.

Two Geiblers on two ballots is not a conspiracy. It is a family asking the same slice of Harford to trust marketing copy at the State House and “leave it to the experts” at the school board. Voters can decide whether that is a public-service calling or a household brand extension.

District 7 is not looking for a communications director. It is looking for someone who will vote no when Annapolis tries to treat Harford and eastern Baltimore County as the overflow valve for the rest of Maryland. Jennings has been that no for a long time. Geibler’s site does not say where he would break with Wes Moore, the Senate Democratic caucus, or the environmental and equity blocs that already run the building.

If he had a record, we would print it. If he had votes, we would score them. If he had donors beyond a thin account and a Givebutter link, we would list them. What he has is a first-time bid, a slogan triad, a Catholic-schools marketing title, and a request that you fire a farmer-firefighter-guardsman who has held the seat for fifteen years.

Do not.

The Senate seat is not a branding exercise. Leave it with the man who already does the job.

Committee Name: Friends of M-D James

Address: 238 Smarty Jones Rd.

Havre De Grace, MD 21078-

Phone: (410) 939-4100

Email: marydulanyformaryland@gmail.com

Mary-Dulany James: The Name, the Check, and the Rights She Kept

District 34 has already told this story once. In 2022 Mary-Dulany James flipped a Senate seat Republicans had held since 1994 by 591 votes. That was not a mandate. It was a rounding error with a last name on it. This November she is asking Harford to make the rounding error permanent. The Republican on the other side of the ballot is Raj Goel. The question is not whether James can recite her father’s résumé. The question is why a district that spent a generation sending Republicans to Annapolis should keep sending a Democrat who cashed a seven-figure federal check for an easement on land she still owns, still lives on, and still reserved the right to put houses on.

The inheritance

James was born February 1, 1960. She is the daughter of William S. James, who ran the Maryland Senate from 1963 to 1974. That is the whole origin story, and it has been the whole origin story for thirty years. She grew up on Old Bay Farm at 550 Old Bay Lane in Havre de Grace. She went to Havre de Grace High School, took a psychology degree from College Park, and a law degree from the University of Maryland. She clerked for a federal judge, then worked the Baltimore firms — Whiteford, Taylor & Preston; Venable; Hodes, 

Ulman — before hanging a shingle back home.

She married Brian Bruce Feeney on September 23, 1989. They divorced September 18, 2009. They had three children. The campaign website still talks as if “she and her husband, Brian, live and work today” on the family farm. The divorce decree is seventeen years old. The website is not. That is the James method in miniature: keep the picture, skip the update.

She sat on county boards, including the Commission for Women and the Harford Land Trust. Remember the Land Trust. It comes back with a number attached.

Sixteen years, then two losses, then a 591-vote steal

James held House District 34A from 1999 to 2015 — sixteen years on Appropriations, pensions and personnel. When she reached for the Senate in 2014, Bob Cassilly beat her 57.2 to 42.7. She tried again in 2018. Cassilly beat her by 189 votes. Only after Cassilly left the seat to run for County Executive did she squeeze past Christian Miele, 22,858 to 22,267.

That is the record. Not a surge. Not a conversion of the district. A third try against an open seat, financed by Senate President Bill Ferguson and the Senate Democratic Caucus, after two straight losses to the same Republican. In June she beat a Democratic primary challenger 81–19. The general is November 3. The district still elects Republicans almost everywhere else.

The Blue Dog who votes with the machine when it counts

The campaign sells “Blue Dog.” The roll call is more useful.

In 2012 she voted no on the Civil Marriage Protection Act. In 2013 she was one of the few Democrats to vote no on the Firearm Safety Act. Those votes are real. They are also fourteen and thirteen years old. They are the wallpaper she hangs when she needs cover in Aberdeen and Havre de Grace.

The current session is the test. She was one of two Democrats to vote against the Community Trust Act limiting local cooperation with ICE. She tried to keep 287(g) agreements available to counties. She was the lone Democrat against a ban on law-enforcement face coverings. She was one of two Democrats against a 2026 bill framed as a ban on minority voter suppression in local elections. That is the maverick file. It is also the file of a senator who still takes the caucus money, still sits on Judicial Proceedings, still needs Ferguson’s operation to hold a 591-vote seat.

The bills she puts her name on this cycle — out-of-court statements in domestic-violence cases, fentanyl death penalties, child-pornography updates, e-bike workgroups, towing rules, bond bills for the Aberdeen Railroad Heritage Center and the Havre de Grace Living War Memorial — are the kind of local inventory every incumbent stacks. None of them explain why District 34 should keep a Democrat in a seat that was Republican for twenty-eight years.

One million, one hundred thirty-one thousand, three hundred fifty dollars

On December 10, 2019, James signed an Amended and Restated Deed of Conservation Easement with the Maryland Environmental Trust and the Harford Land Trust. The land is Old Bay Farm: 121.9 acres at 550 Old Bay Lane, tax map 52, parcel 78. Eighty acres agricultural, twenty acres woodlands, shoreline on the Bay. The original 1977 easement her father gave MET was rewritten to cap dwelling units, limit subdivision, add a water-quality buffer, and correct the acreage from mean low tide to mean high tide.

The highlighted clause in the recorded instrument is not poetry. It is a check.

“As monetary consideration for the granting of this Conservation Easement and in order to fulfill the purposes of the Cooperative Agreement, HLT has agreed to pay Grantors the sum of One Million, One Hundred Thirty-One Thousand, Three Hundred Fifty Dollars ($1,131,350.00) using Federal appropriations allocated by APG to implement the Cooperative Agreement.”

Read that again. Aberdeen Proving Ground’s Army Compatible Use Buffer program. Federal appropriations. Paid through the Harford Land Trust — the same organization on whose board she had served — to Mary Dulany James, grantor, for an amended easement on land she already owned, already lived on, and already had under a 1977 restriction her father put there.

She did not sell the farm. She did not give it to the public. SDAT still lists JAMES MARY DULANY as owner of 121.90 acres at 550 Old Bay Lane. Principal residence: yes. Preferential agricultural land value: $28,900. Market land value on the same card: $513,400. Improvements phased toward $393,600. Homestead approved. Agricultural transfer-tax recapture sitting on the account. The house is a 1927 dwelling of 10,892 square feet. The public paid her $1.13 million in Army buffer money so the Army would not have houses crowding the fence line. She kept the deed.

Wouldn’t that be nice.

The rights she did not give away

A conservation easement is not a donation of the fee. James reserved what the deed allowed her to reserve. The amended instrument limits the total number of dwelling units on the property to six, all inside a permitted building area. It allows a two-parcel split: one residential parcel carrying the dwelling units, one agricultural parcel. It inventories a primary dwelling at 550 Old Bay Lane, an accessory dwelling with garage at 511 Old Bay Lane, and another accessory dwelling at 400 Old Bay Lane, plus barns and sheds. It permits commercial activity inside dwelling units, home offices, and certain commercial passive recreation run by a resident.

That is not “the land is locked up and she walks away.” That is a wealthy waterfront owner taking a seven-figure federal check, keeping fee title, keeping the house, keeping accessory dwellings, keeping a reserved subdivision into two parcels, and keeping agricultural preferential assessment that values the land for tax purposes at a fraction of what the card says it is worth. The same woman sits in Annapolis and talks about land use, APG, and “common sense people who share the beauty and bounty of the Chesapeake Bay.” She already monetized the beauty. The bounty cleared in 2019.

The same month she terminated the old “Old Bay Shore” subdivision plat and the 1945 and 1946 deed restrictions her father had left on the books — cleaning the title so the restated easement and the money could close. Two 2014 deeds of trust were scheduled for release at the same time. A Bank of America deed of trust from 2003 had already been satisfied in June 2014. The paperwork is not a morality play. It is a closing binder. She got paid. She kept the keys.

The federal orbit

District 34 lives next to Aberdeen Proving Ground. The ACUB check exists because the Army writes checks to keep houses off the buffer. James took the check. Her former husband, Brian Bruce Feeney, has been described in the family record as working in the federal sector. The campaign still uses “Brian” as set dressing on a farm the federal government already paid her to restrict. APG money, a Senate seat that turns on APG communities, and a landowner who banked the buffer payment are not separate files. 

They are the same address.

A $100 donation from Barry Glassman, listed with the Center for Ecosystem Recovery as employer, is a footnote. The $1,131,350 line in Liber 13589 is the chapter.

The treasurer who allegedly bought a yacht

James Appel — Jim Appel — is not a footnote. He was her campaign treasurer on the way back to the Senate. He ran the books under GOP Compliance out of Annapolis, a Republican operative and compliance man who also served as Comptroller contractor for the Maryland Republican Party and treasurer for a stack of GOP accounts. That is the man she trusted with the checkbook.

On March 30, 2026, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Maryland unsealed an indictment charging Appel with wire fraud and money laundering. Prosecutors say he used treasurer access to divert about $200,000 for a luxury lifestyle, including refinancing a loan on a Pacific Mariner 65 motoryacht. The indictment describes roughly $100,000 moved out of a politician’s campaign accounts he controlled — transferred between accounts, then into “GOP Compliance,” then into personal accounts — and another $100,000 taken from an Anne Arundel community organization he handled. It also charges that he prepared and signed false campaign finance reports to the Maryland Board of Elections in 2024, 2025, and early 2026 that inflated balances to hide the hole.

Local reporting and the campaign file put those politician accounts in Mary-Dulany James’s orbit. She has not been charged. She is still the candidate who put a man now sitting on a federal embezzlement indictment in charge of her money. Appel pleaded not guilty. He surrendered his passport. He is barred from the campaign and business accounts named in the case. If convicted, each wire-fraud count carries up to twenty years.

A senator asking District 34 for another term does not get to treat her own treasurer as someone else’s scandal. She hired him. He signed the reports. The yacht is in the indictment. Her name is on the committee he kept.

Why you should not vote for her

Because the district did not convert. It blinked in 2022 by 591 votes after Cassilly left the building.

Because “Blue Dog” is a 2012 and 2013 scrapbook. The operating majority that seats her is still the Annapolis Democratic caucus.

Because she lost this seat twice to Bob Cassilly and only holds it because he went downtown to the County Executive’s office.

Because she took $1,131,350 in Army Compatible Use Buffer money, through a land trust she had served, to restate an easement on a farm she still owns.

Because she reserved six dwelling units and a two-lot split on the same land the public paid her to “preserve.”

Because SDAT still gives that land a preferential agricultural assessment of $28,900 while the same card carries more than half a million in land value before improvements.

Because the campaign site still pretends the 2009 divorce did not happen.

Because the man she made treasurer — James Appel — is under federal indictment for wire fraud and money laundering, accused of draining campaign accounts and a civic account to refinance a 65-foot yacht and of filing false reports to cover it.

Because District 34 is Aberdeen, Edgewood, and Havre de Grace — working installations, working households, working traffic — and the incumbent’s largest recorded payday in the file you can pull at the courthouse is a federal conservation check she collected for not selling her father’s farm.

Raj Goel is on the ballot. James is asking you to ratify a 591-vote accident and a $1.13 million closing. You do not have to.

Committee Name: District 35 for Cornelius Jennings

Address: 44 Goldspire Drive

Elkton, MD 21921-

Phone: (443) 435-0866

Social: facebook.com/cornelius.jennings

instagram.com/kneeljennings

Neil Jennings: A Recruited Name Asking District 35 to Fire the Farmer

Maryland Senate District 35 is northern and central Harford and northern Cecil — Level, Churchville, Darlington, Jarrettsville, Rising Sun, North East, Fair Hill, the farms, the firehouses, and the towns that still expect their senator to know the difference between a session and a harvest. For seven years that senator has been Jason C. Gallion. On November 3 the Democratic Party is asking those voters to replace him with Cornelius “Neil” Jennings Sr. of Elkton.

They should not.

Who he is

Cornelius Jennings Sr. lives at 44 Goldspire Drive in Elkton. That is Cecil County. It is not Harford. He was born and raised in Baltimore City, later lived in Baltimore County, and told a March 2026 interview he had been in Cecil “about two years.” The Maryland Democratic Party called him because no Democrat had filed for the seat. He said so himself. A few days after that call he posted that he had prayed about it, talked to his family, and decided to “answer the call.”

That is not a local draft. That is a party looking for a name so the line on the ballot would not be blank.

He is a U.S. Army veteran. He works as a CSS SATCOM ILS manager at JANUS Research Group, a defense contractor. Before that: ILS manager at Sev1Tech, inventory work at the Defense Information Systems Agency, material identifier at the Defense Logistics Agency, contractor time at DIA and SSA, co-owner of Secure Solution Services, job-training coordinator at a sports nonprofit, and basketball coach at Gerstell Academy and The Park School of Baltimore. Those are jobs. They are not a Senate résumé.

His degrees are recent and incomplete for the office he wants. Associate’s in general studies from the Community College of Baltimore County, 2024. Certificate in logistics and supply-chain management from Cecil College, 2025. A bachelor’s at University of Maryland Global Campus listed as in progress, 2025–2027. He is still in school for the degree most people finish before they ask a two-county district to send them to Annapolis.

He has never held elected office. He has never sat on a county board, a town council, a planning commission, or a fire-company executive committee in this district. He did not grow up here. He did not farm here. He did not run a department here. He arrived, got the call, and filed.

How he got on the ballot

No Democrat filed in the ordinary window. On March 9, 2026, the Cecil County Democratic Central Committee designated him. The State Board of Elections lists the filing as “Designated by Central Committee.” The committee name is District 35 for Cornelius Jennings. Contact email on Ballotpedia: jennings4thewin@yahoo.com.

On June 23 he won the Democratic primary unopposed with 4,783 votes. That is not a mandate. That is the people who show up when there is no other name. Jason Gallion, on the same day, took 12,636 Republican primary votes unopposed. In 2022 Gallion won the general with 42,913 votes — 96.86 percent — against write-ins. The district already answered this question.

Campaign finance reports as of June 7, 2026, showed Jennings had raised and spent under $1,000. Under a thousand dollars to take a Senate seat covering two counties. That is not a campaign. That is a placeholder with a Facebook page and an Instagram handle, @kneeljennings.

He appeared on a party podcast titled “Contest Every Seat,” sitting with other Democrats recruited to run in Republican districts so every line would have a D next to it. The host’s pitch was not that Jennings was ready. The pitch was that Maryland Democrats needed a choice on the ballot. Choice is not the same as qualification.

Why you should not vote for him

Because District 35 did not ask for him. The party did.

Because two years in Elkton after a life in Baltimore is not a claim on Churchville, Level, Darlington, and Jarrettsville. Harford is the larger half of this district. Gallion was born at Harford Memorial, grew up on Aldino Road, still runs cattle there, and still answers the pager at Level Volunteer Fire Company. Jennings lives on Goldspire Drive and works a contractor logistics job. Those are not the same biography.

Because a man who has never introduced a bill, never sat through a 90-day session, never voted on a budget, and never faced a constituent who lost a farm to a regulation is asking to become the 34th vote in a Democratic Senate that already treats rural Maryland as a problem to be managed. The majority will not need his judgment. It will need his hand. On taxes, energy, land use, redistricting, and the structural deficit, that hand will go up with Annapolis, not with the herd.

Because the money tells you what the party thinks of the race. Under $1,000 by early June. No war chest. No county network. No farm bureau, no fire-company slate, no town-hall circuit that would exist if anyone expected him to win. They needed a name. They got one.

Because “veteran, dad, coach, mentor” is a decent life and a thin Senate argument. The district already has a veteran culture, a coaching culture, and a church culture. It also has a working farmer on the Education, Energy, and Environment Committee, the open-space and ag-preservation panels, and the Harford select committee. Replacing that with a recently arrived logistician who is still finishing a bachelor’s is not an upgrade. It is a party errand.

Because he told voters he never planned to do politics. Believe him. The people who planned it were in the Maryland Democratic Party, looking at an empty filing and a rural seat they have not been competitive in for years. “God opened a door” is not a platform. It is an explanation for why a man who had not been running suddenly was.

Because Question 3, energy rates, school crowding, agricultural land, and the First District’s existence are live fights this cycle. A freshman Democrat from Elkton will not be the person who stops any of them. He will be the person counted on to help pass them.

Because the 2022 result was 96.9 percent. That is the district talking. Jennings is the party talking back.

The choice

Jason Gallion has done the job since January 2019. He still farms. He still serves at Level. He still works Harford’s agricultural desk. He has already been measured twice.

Neil Jennings is a recruited Democrat from Elkton with two years in Cecil, no elected record, almost no money, and a résumé built on contractor logistics and basketball. He is on the ballot because the line would have been empty. That is not a reason to give him the seat.

District 35 does not owe the Maryland Democratic Party a courtesy vote. It owes itself the senator who already lives the district. Vote no on the placeholder.

Vote Jason C. Gallion for Maryland State Senate, District 35.